“In three words I can sum up everything I’ve learned about life – It goes on” – Robert Frost
An unapologetic celebration of American exceptionalism
“In three words I can sum up everything I’ve learned about life – It goes on” – Robert Frost
Flannery O’Connor was born on March 25, 1925, to Edward and Regina (Cline) O’Connor. Her childhood home stood in the presence of the Cathedral of St. John the Baptist in Savannah, Georgia. Her life began to form, literally, with the constant impression and presence of Catholicism. Her parents were parishioners of St. John the Baptist and she attended parochial schools at St. Vincent’s Grammar School and Sacred Heart. Edward O’Connor was a realtor owner and Regina was the daughter of a prominent Georgian family. Flannery was their only child. Flannery and her family returned to her mother’s birthplace in Milledgeville, Georgia when she was 12. She later attended Peabody High School and the Georgia State College for Women in Milledgeville. Flannery was a child who would rather draw and write than do most anything else. From the time she was small, she had affection for her fine-feathered friends, keeping chickens, peafowl, ducks and geese for company. Nine years after moving to Milledgeville, O’Connor was accepted into the University of Iowa’s writer’s workshops conducted by Paul Engle. In 1949 she met Robert and Sally Fitzgerald, fellow Catholic writers with whom she commenced a life-long friendship. She lived with them for many months and worked on her writing in their secluded Redding, Connecticut home. In 1951, she was diagnosed with disseminated lupus, the same disease that claimed her father’s life, and was forced to return to her ancestral farm, Andalusia, in Milledgeville. She spent the remaining years of her life on the farm.
Known in literary circles simply as “Flannery,” O’ Connor has authored two novels, 32 short stories and hundreds of personal letters. She was the epitome of a fine southern lady, yet as a Roman Catholic, she veered from the Southern Baptist culture that surrounded her. For her writings, O’Connor relied heavily on her regional surroundings but not on the sentiments of the “Bible Belt.” Indeed, it was O’Connor’s fervent Roman Catholic faith that was the basis for all she thought, all she said, all she did, and all she wrote. She believed that the reason for her being was to reveal the grace of God in everyday life. While her writings may seem to be full of grotesque characters that commit evil acts, they serve the purpose of supporting her approach to life and death and uncovering the recurrent themes of death, morality, religion and God in her work. It is because of and not in spite of the fact that Flannery O’Connor was “such a Roman Catholic” that her life and her work existed in complete harmony.
If you would like to read more about Flannery O’Connor and her many wonderful works, visit Comforts of Home, The Flannery O'Connor Repository at http://mediaspecialist.org.
Jim Abbott was a baseball pitcher, who played for eleven years in the majors despite having been born without a right hand. He played for the California Angels, the New York Yankees, the Chicago White Sox, and the Milwaukee Brewers, from 1989 to 1999. He played his college ball for the University of Michigan and became the first baseball player to win the James E. Sullivan Award as the nation's best amateur athlete in 1987. He followed that up with a gold medal in the demonstration event at the 1988 Summer Olympics. He was then drafted in the first round of the 1988 Major League Baseball Draft and reached the Majors the next year.
It was an amazing thing to watch him pitch and even more amazing to watch him field. Many teams tried to exploit his handicap by bunting on him. This tactic never worked as he was quite a proficient fielder. When preparing to pitch the ball, Abbott would rest a right-handed thrower's glove on the end of his right forearm. After releasing the pitch, he would quickly slip his hand into the glove, and be ready for balls hit back up the middle. After fielding the ball, he would remove the glove by holding it between his right forearm and chest, slip his hand out of the glove, and take the ball from the glove, usually in time to throw out the runner and sometimes even start double plays. It was almost magical and certainly inspirational to behold. When your kids say I can't, show them a youtube video of Jim Abbott and tell them that "can't means won't" as my Dad used to tell me.
Abbott had many great moments that I could share, but perhaps his greatest was on September 4th, 1993. While pitching for the New York Yankees, Abbott pitched a no-hitter against the Cleveland Indians. Imagine that, a guy who was born with only one hand in the NY Yankees pinstripes, pitching a no-hitter. That would seem a bit unrealistic even in Hollywood, but it really happened. You could look it up! Or just take a moment and watch the video.
I'm kind of partial to speeches by President Ronald Reagan because I like plain talk and someone who calls a spade a spade. Nobody did that better than Ronaldus Maximus (as Rush Limbaugh calls him). Some people incorrectly refer to a June 1982 speech to the British House of Commons as the "Evil Empire" speech, but while Reagan twice mentioned totalitarianism in that speech, the words "evil empire" were not actually used in a speech until later in his Presidency. On March 8, 1983 in a speech to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, Reagan said:
In your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride, the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.
In this speech, Reagan made the case for deploying NATO nuclear armed missiles in Western Europe to counter the Soviets installing new nuclear armed missiles in Eastern Europe. Eventually, the NATO missiles were set up and used as bargaining chips in arms talks with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who took office in 1985. The phrase also proved useful to Western anti-Communists in justifying a significantly more forceful defense and foreign policy stand against the Soviets. In addition to using the phrase "evil empire," Reagan described the Soviet Union as a "totalitarian" regime. His message resonates still today in an age when so-called leaders of our great country are very willing to resort to moral relativism in assigning equal blame to the good guys (us) in the current struggle between good and evil. Here is Reagan's message to us: Make no mistake about it, we are the good guys and the Islamofascists are the bad guys. If we stick to our guns, we will prevail because we are on the side of the good. If that is too simplified for you, you probably should try another blog.
Here is a link to the written speech and audio and video clips: http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ronaldreaganevilempire.htm
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
On July 4, 1776, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the document that proclaimed the thirteen colonies' independence from Great Britain was adopted. The main author of the Declaration of Independence was Thomas Jefferson. Fifty-six delegates, each representing one of the thirteen colonies, signed this great document. The declaration came 442 days after the start of the Revolutionary war. In honor of this momentous occasion, please take the time to read it in its entirety. The text is below.
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. --Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislature.
He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us without our consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses:For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule in these colonies:
For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met here on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of it as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But in a larger sense we can not dedicate - we can not consecrate - we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled, here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but can never forget what they did here.*
It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they have, thus far, so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us - that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion - that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom; and that this government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
*Note the irony in the speech. The world has long remembered what many consider to be the greatest speech ever.
This audio version of the Gettysburg Address (below) is delivered by actor, Jeff Daniels, who coincidentally starred as General Joshua Chamberlain in the movie Gettysburg.